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The Economist
September 22nd 2018
Europe 49
Germany
Over, not out
I
TWAS supposed to be a face-saving
measure to stop the coalition govern-
ment collapsing. Instead there is outrage.
Hans-GeorgMaassen (pictured) was
removed fromhis role as Germany’s
head of domestic intelligence thisweek
over allegations that he had downplayed
right-wing extremist violence. But rather
than being sacked, he has been given a
pay rise and a promotion.
MrMaassen sparked a national row
when he called into question a video
showing foreign-looking people being
chased by amob after the killing of a
Germanman, allegedly by asylum-
seekers, in the easternGerman city of
Chemnitz. The spy chief suggested the
videomight be fake, hinting at media
manipulation to distract from the Chem-
nitz killing. He said therewas no infor-
mation about xenophobic assaults,
despite reliable eyewitness reports and
police investigations into such cases.
Thiswas an affront to his boss, Angela
Merkel, the chancellor, who had con-
demned the anti-migrant violence in
Chemnitz andwhose refugee policy he
openly disagreeswith. MrsMerkel’s
Social Democratic coalition partners, the
SPD
, called for him to be sacked. Her
conservative interiorminister, Horst
Seehofer, immediately sidedwithMr
Maassen, setting the scene for yet anoth-
er coalition crisis in Berlin. Neither side
could backdown, fearing a backlash
from their supporters. But sticking to
their guns risked bringing down the
government. FindingMrMaassen anoth-
er jobwas theway out.
Everyone has been damaged. Mrs
Merkel has lost authority. Mr Seehofer’s
ally has been pushed out, implying a
degree of guilt. But the
SPD
has been hit
hardest. Partymembers believe their
leaders are sacrificing left-wing values in
another coalitionwithMrsMerkel’s
conservative bloc to cling on to power.
This is not the first time that Mr Maas-
sen has been accused of overstepping his
brief. He is accused of close links with the
right-wing populist Alternative for Ger-
many party, including allegedly advising
themon how to avoid surveillance. But
the row is about more than just MrMaas-
sen. He is a symbol for the split running
throughGermany, and its government,
overmigration. Another coalition crisis
may have been averted, but that division
has not gone away.
BERLIN
Acontroversial spychief gets a promotion
The spy who stayed in the warm
A
RABIC is a “perfect, smooth and rich
language”, wrote Ernest Renan, a 19th-
century French thinker, who praised its
“extensive vocabulary, the accuracy of its
meanings and the beautiful logic of its
structures”. Today Arabic is considered the
second-most-spoken language in France,
and is the source of rich street slang. An es-
timated 5m French citizens have family
roots in the Arab world, mainly in Algeria,
Morocco and Tunisia. Yet the teaching of
the language in schools is regarded in
many quarters as suspect, if not danger-
ous. Amere 13,000 French pupils study Ar-
abic—just 0.2% of all secondary-school stu-
dentswho take a second language.
Not surprisingly, the vast majority of
French pupils choose English as their first
foreign language, with fully 5.5mpupils en-
rolled in classes in secondary school. Al-
though German was once the traditional
second choice, it has long been overtaken
by Spanish. The fastest-growing option in
France is now Chinese. The number of its
students has tripled, though admittedly
still to only 39,000, over the past decade.
Today there are three times as many
French pupils studying Chinese as Arabic.
Few French schools offer Arabic at all.
“Why on earth would you want your chil-
dren to learn Arabic?” was the tart re-
sponse to inquiries by one French dip-
lomat, returning to Paris after a spell in an
Arab country.
To counter such views, the education
minister, Jean-Michel Blanquer, argued
earlier this month that the teaching of Ara-
bic should be made more widespread. He
says that Arabic ought to be granted “pres-
tige”, he pleaded, “as a very great literary
language”, and studied not only by those
of north African origin. Teaching it in
school, Mr Blanquer argued, could also be
a way of controlling how it is taught. Most
Arabic classes currently take place beyond
the reach of schools inspectors, in
mosques or Koranic classrooms. A new re-
port by Hakim El Karoui for the Institut
Montaigne, a liberal think-tank, recom-
mends an increase inofficial Arabic classes
as a means of curbing hard-line Islamist
teaching.
Yet Mr Blanquer’s idea has kicked up a
nasty row. Nicolas Dupont-Aignan, a right-
wing nationalist, called it “the beginning
of the Arabisation of France”. Teaching Ar-
abic in schools, claimed Robert Ménard,
the far-right mayor of Béziers, would her-
ald “the birth of another nation right in the
heart ofFrance”. (People seem lessworried
by the language of the once-hated Anglo-
Saxons.) There has been much dark mut-
tering about the prospect of teachers in
headscarves, which are banned in state
schools under French law. LouisAliot, a far-
right deputy and partner ofMarine Le Pen,
condemned the proposal as part of an
“ideology of submission”.
Even the mainstream right has voiced
outrage. Arabic, declared an editorial in
Le
Figaro
magazine, “is not a language like any
other” but “a weapon used by those who
want to separate Muslims from the rest of
the French community”. The point could
be made the other way around. Unless
French schools help to take teaching of Ar-
abic out of the hands of imams and into
the classroom, Arabic will remain a badge
of religion rather than a respected world
language like any other.
7
Teaching Arabic in France
Word games
PARIS
Some peoplewill playpoliticswith
anything