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The Economist
September 22nd 2018
Finance and economics 67
1
2
the EuropeanUnion’s trade commissioner,
unveiled a “concept paper” outlining re-
forms that could plug some of the gaps in
the
WTO
’s rules, as well as ways to reform
dispute settlement. But it is far from clear
whether either Mr Trump or the Chinese
government will take the bait.
And without the multilateral rules-
based system to contain the conflict, the
trade war between China and America
could get much bloodier. In his announce-
ment on September 17th Mr Trump threat-
ened to hit another $267bn-worth of Chi-
nese imports ifChina retaliated against his
latest tranche of tariffs. For their part, the
Chinese show little sign of backing down,
and have promised to use fiscal policy to
soften any domestic blow.
Although they are running out of
American exports to target, they have oth-
er ways to fight. On September 17th, for ex-
ample, reports emerged of a Chinese offi-
cial musing about China repeating its trick
of imposing export restrictions on rawma-
terials that American manufacturers de-
pend on. The next day, Craig Allen, chair-
man of the
US
-China Business Council,
warned that the
WTO
had made clear its
opinion that such restrictions were illegal.
But why, when America is acting outside
the rule book, should others stick to it?
7
M
OONCAKES are among the most di-
visive treats. For some the chewy
pastries are delicacies on which to gorge
for the Mid-Autumn Festival, a Chinese
holiday that falls this year on September
24th. For others they are dry, dense and full
of calories. But for economists they are
something else entirely: an indicator of im-
portant trends in consumption, innova-
tion, corruption and grey-market trading.
Mooncakes play this role because of
their status as gifts. Ahead of the mid-au-
tumn holiday, companies give them to em-
ployees; business contacts exchange them.
Consumption of mooncakes is thus less a
reflection of whether people enjoy the
pastries, likened by some to edible hockey
pucks, andmore ameasure of the health of
the economy. So it is heartening to know
that, amid rising trade tensionswithAmer-
ica, the Chinese bakery association has
forecast that sales of mooncakes will rise
by a solid 5-10% this year.
Some observers fret that Chinese con-
sumers, burdened by rising debt, have
started opting for cheaper goods. But con-
sumers still plump for more expensive va-
rieties ofmooncakes rather than the classic
nut-and-egg-yolk fillings. Shangri-La, a
five-star hotel chain, has won fans with its
blueberry-cheese mooncake (dismissed
by traditionalists as cheesecake). Judging
by long queues at Häagen-Dazs stores,
mooncake-shaped ice-cream sandwiches
are also booming. At least 30 listed food
companies, more than ever before, are vy-
ing for a bite of the $2bnmooncakemarket
this year.
Mooncakes have long given off a whiff
of corruption. Businesses seeking favours
fromofficials send lavishlywrappedboxes
of them. When Xi Jinping, China’s power-
ful president, intensified his anti-graft cam-
paign in 2013, themooncakemarket shrank
bymore than 20%. Arebound over the past
three years has naturally fuelled talk of a
rebound in bribery, too. The government
has denied this. Yet it is clearly worried.
The front page of the newspaper published
by the Communist Party’s anti-graft agen-
cy warned on September 17th that al-
though mooncakes are small, they can
point tomuch bigger problems.
Perhaps the tastiest morsel frommoon-
cakes is what they reveal about China’s
grey economy. Scalpers hawking moon-
cake gift coupons have taken to Shanghai’s
streets in recent days, as theydo every year,
standing outside busy subway stations
and popular bakeries. Most economic
studies describe scalping as a phenome-
non that arises when scarce tickets to
sporting events or concerts are resold at a
hefty markup. Yet there is no shortage of
mooncakes inChina. The problem is ineffi-
cient allocation: toomany coupons are giv-
en to peoplewho do not like them. China’s
economy has plenty of inefficiencies,
whether in the form of state-owned com-
panies or gift-giving customs. But it some-
times also has solutions.
7
Mooncake studies
Reading the
crumbs
SHANGHAI
What a controversial pastry says about
China’s economy
Gift or graft?
“T
HE bank has clearly failed to live up
to its responsibility,” saidOle Ander-
sen, chairman ofDanske Bank, on Septem-
ber 19th. Well, indeed. The findings of an
inquiry into the laundering of money,
much of it from Russia, through Danske’s
Estonian branch are sobering. The euro
amount rinsed through the branch’s books
runs to12 digits andDanskemissed chance
after chance to stop the sluice. To no one’s
surprise its chief executive, Thomas Bor-
gen, has resigned.
Denmark’s biggest bank had already
admitted doing too little to prevent the
abuse of its branch between 2007, when it
bought Finland’s Sampo Bank, the unit’s
owner, and 2015. An 87-page report by
Bruun & Hjejle, a law firm, both tries to
quantify the suspicious activity and traces
how Danske’s anti-laundering procedures
went so catastrophicallywrong.
The main conduit was the branch’s
“non-resident portfolio”, comprising
about 10,000 accounts, of which 3,000-
4,000 were open at any one time. The
branch also housed another 5,000 non-
residents’ accounts. Starting with the fishi-
est, the investigators have examined 6,200
accounts and deem “the vast majority” to
be suspicious. By contrast, the branch had
reported only 760 clients to the Financial
Intelligence Unit, the Estonian police divi-
sion dealing with financial crime. The in-
vestigators have identified 177 customers—
mostlypartnerships registered inBritain or
well-known tax havens—potentially in-
volved in the “Russian Laundromat”, a
vast fraud exposed by the Organised
Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, a
group of investigative journalists.
Mere suspicion, of course, proves noth-
ing. As the investigators did not sift the
9.5m transactions on the 15,000 accounts,
they cannot sayhowmuchwas laundered.
But by any reasonable guess, the sum is
staggering: €200bn ($234bn at current ex-
change rates), mostly in euros and dollars,
flowed through the accounts, 23%of it from
Russia. “It is expected that a large part of
the payments were suspicious,” the report
drily concludes.
Chances to clean up went begging al-
most from the day Danske bought Sampo.
In 2007 the Estonian authorities found
flaws in Sampo’s procedures, and the Rus-
sian central bank told Danish supervisors
that non-resident customers “perma-
nently participate” in transactions intend-
ed to avoid taxes and customs payments,
Money-laundering
Questionable
shape
Denmark’s biggest bankreports on its
Estonian shambles