16 Leaders
The Economist
May 26th 2018
2
forms mandated by the peace deal, such as updating land re-
cords and property tax. Colombians are right to wonder
whether Mr Uribe would have too much influence over a
Duque presidency.
Mr Duque shares Mr Uribe’s disdain for the peace deal and
will weaken it if he becomes president. That would not rekin-
dle all-out war. But it might prevent a peace agreement with
the
ELN
, a guerrilla group that is still in the field.
Mr Petrowould be a worse president. His plans include the
self-defeating notion of pulling Colombia out of the oil busi-
ness, its chief source of exports. His term as mayor of Bogotá
wasmarked by clasheswith the city council and disputeswith
contractors, one of which left rubbish uncollected. His oppo-
nents compare him to Hugo Chávez, who launched next-door
Venezuela on its course towards economic and political disas-
ter. That is an exaggeration. But neither Mr Petro’s tempera-
ment nor his ideas equip him for the presidency.
Colombians’ hunger for change is understandable. Income
inequality, though falling, is the second-highest inLatinAmeri-
ca. Schools and health care are not good enough. Corruption is
a running sore. People are angry that the peace accord has not
ended the violence in the countryside and allows
FARC
lead-
erswho have committed crimes to sit in congress.
Other candidateshavebetter answers tomost ofthese com-
plaints than Mr Duque or Mr Petro. Humberto de la Calle, the
government’s chief peace negotiator, is aworthy aspirant. Ser-
gio Fajardo, a mathematician who has put clean politics and
education at the centre ofhis campaign, looks as ifhe has a bet-
ter chance. A former mayor of Medellín and governor of the
department of Antioquia, he has shown that, unlike Mr Petro,
he can run a government successfully. Unlike Mr Duque, he
would seekto improve the implementationofthe peace agree-
ment, not undermine it. He gets our vote.
It’s not Venezuela
Even if thewrongmanwins, do not despair for Colombia. Un-
like Venezuela, whose president, Nicolás Maduro, has just
won a fraudulent election, Colombia is a solid democracy
with relatively strong institutions. At least the next president,
whoever hemay be, is unlikely to change that.
7
“D
EAR people of Belgium.
This is a huge deal. As
you know, I had the balls to
withdraw from the Paris climate
agreement, and so should you.”
It sounds like Donald Trump—a
bit, anyway. It is definitely a pic-
ture of Donald Trump. But the
person in the video, producedby sp.a, a left-wingBelgianpolit-
ical party, is not quite the American president. It is a computer-
tweaked facsimile, into whose mouth has been put a not-en-
tirely serious homily about Belgium’s carbon emissions.
Faked images are not new. Stalin airbrushed his enemies
out of history by having them removed from official photo-
graphs. Visual-effects studios in Hollywood transpose actors’
faces onto the bodies of fitter, more disposable stunt doubles.
But tinkeringwith video is hard. Doing it well requires special-
istswho are scarce and expensive.
Technology is making things cheaper and easier. The video
by sp.a is a “deep fake”—which draws on “deep learning”, an
artificial-intelligence technique used in everything fromrecog-
nising faces to playingGo, a complexboard game. To produce a
deep fake, all you need is a piece of free software, some pic-
tures of the personwhose face youwish to transpose, an exist-
ing piece of film to paste it into and a script for your digital cre-
ation to read. The computer takes care of the rest. And unlike
special-effects artists, computers are cheap andwidespread.
For now, the results are often amateurish. The video of Mr
Trump is suspiciously blurry. His speech is stilted. His mouth
moves inodd, not-quite-humanways. But as algorithms are re-
fined and computing power gets cheaper, that will change. A
previous demonstration, involving an ersatz Barack Obama
and considerably more care, produced slicker results. Pictures
and video will become like text: easier to fake outright or to
shade in subtleways that exaggerate or downplaywhat is real-
ly happening. The video, sp.a says, was not intended to de-
ceive. The game is given away near the end, when Mr Trump
says: “We all knowclimate change is fake—just like this video!”
But not everyonewill be so scrupulous.
This prospect would be worrying at any time. It is particu-
larly unwelcome now. The internet has already given parti-
sans and provocateurs a cheap and effective way to spread
written rumours and untruths. Faked videos will be similarly
easy to disseminate, but will be more powerful precisely be-
cause people have not yet learned to mistrust film and sound-
tracks. Just imagine themayhem sown by a faked video show-
ing Mr Trump confessing that he had taken money from
Russia’s president, Vladimir Putin.
The camera often lies
What to do? Ideally, people will adapt, becoming more scepti-
cal, and theworldwill be quick to apply the lessons from“fake
news”. But that will be hard. Technologies such as encryption
and digital signing can help trace a film or picture back to a
trusted source, although malicious actors will have no incen-
tive touse them. Fact-checkingwill devotemore time tovideos
and pictures as digital fakery becomes widespread; but such
services can only ever be reactive, sending the truth panting
after a lie that is already halfway across the world. Journalists
and bloggerswith a reputation for accuracymight see demand
for their services rise—though only if people want truth rather
than titillation or confirmation of their biases.
Before the era ofmassmedia, mass literacy and cheap com-
munication, knowledge of the world was foggy. It was a strug-
gle to sort fact from rumour. Cheap, high-quality propaganda
risks making the truth harder to find, further debasing demo-
cratic politics. Technology could make the global village feel
more like a fearful, distrusting swamp.
7
Truth and technology
Cinema, not vérité
Afaked video ofDonald Trump shows howAIwill make propaganda cheap and easy